طريق الثورة

 

December 26, 2022

PRESENTATION:

The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and

Organizations participating on the UNIFIED

MAOIST INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

(UMIC) – following the path of the Third

International founded by the Great Lenin and the

best traditions of the International Communist

Movement (ICM) – solemnly declare to the

international Proletariat and the peoples of the

world that the historical and transcendental decision

of giving birth to the new international Maoist

organization was taken, founded under the three

great and glorious red banners: Maoism, the

struggle against revisionism and the world

proletarian revolution.

With deep communist conviction, we parties and

organizations reunited here reaffirm ourselves –

once more and with solemn commitment – in

fulfilling the agreements of the Unified Maoist

International Conference, defending and applying

the almighty ideology of the international proletariat

– Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

It is a firm commitment in the arduous and

restless struggle for imposing Maoism as the sole

command and guide of the World Revolution, the

only deeply red and unfading flag which is the

guarantee of triumph for the proletariat, the

oppressed nations and the peoples of the world in

its inexorable march towards the golden and forever

shining communism.

The 1st Unified Maoist International Conference

of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist communist parties and

organizations have an historical transcendence and

a deep strategic content. It is a glorious task which

corresponds to the New Great Wave of the World

Proletarian Revolution.

With ardent enthusiasm, and overflowing with

class optimism and deeply moved, we raise the red

slogan:

The 1st Unified Maoist International

Conference is a base and inexorably marches

toward the reunification of the communists in the

ICM – a war machine – a machine of combat that

raises the unfading flags of Marxism-Leninism

Maoism and the invincible People’s War!!

Proletarians of all countries, unit

POLITICAL DECLARATION AND THE

PRINCIPLES OF THE INTERNATIONAL

COMMUNIST LEAGUE

I. INTRODUCTION

Communism is the inexorable goal of history,

humanity marches toward it and this unfading goal will

be reached no matter the vicissitudes we face today.

The principal task for the communists is to conform

and develop themselves as a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

Communist Party in order to make revolution to conquer

Power – which we have to develop according to the

particularity of each country – as part of and in service

of the World Proletarian Revolution to reach

Communism. The existence of a communist party is

decisive to make the proletarian revolution in the New

Era in which we find ourselves – which was opened

with the Great Socialist October Revolution in 1917.

Without a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party,

revolution can not be carried out and neither can it

develop itself to conquer and defend the New Power.

The International Communist Movement is the

vanguard of the international proletariat. The principal

problem for the ICM is still the dispersion of forces

and the main danger is revisionism. Its unity is built on

the base and guidance of Marxism – today Marxism

Leninism-Maoism – and its application to the concrete

practice of revolution on each country and to the

process of the world revolution.

Chairman Mao told us: “the history of the

international communist movement shows us that

proletarian unity is consolidated and developed

in the struggle against opportunism, revisionism

and divisionism.” The current dispersion was

originated with the capitalist restoration in the USSR

and in People’s China, and it was aggravated by the

emergence of the right opportunist line – revisionist and

capitulationist – (ROL R&C) in Peru, the revisionist

treason of “Prachandism” in Nepal and the “avakianite”

liquidationist revisionism in the Revolutionary

Internationalist Movement (RIM), among other

manifestations of new revisionism in different parties

and organizations. Divisionism and the following

dispersion were the result of treason by new revisionism

to the fundamental principles of Marxism in the

proletarian movement.

The current demarcation line between Marxism and

revisionism consists in: 1) acknowledging or not

acknowledging Maoism as the third, new and higher

stage of Marxism and the necessity to combat

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revisionism and all opportunism; 2) acknowledging or

not acknowledging the omnipotence of revolutionary

violence in order to make revolution in each one’s own

country; 3) acknowledging or not acknowledging the

necessity to demolish the old state apparatus and

replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the

dictatorship of the proletariat; 4) acknowledging or not

acknowledging the necessity of the revolutionary party

of the proletariat. 5) acknowledging or not

acknowledging the necessity of proletarian

internationalism.

The ICM can not give a single step toward its

reunification without combating revisionism and all

opportunism implacably and inseparably from the

struggle against imperialism and all reaction. This is why

we base ourselves in the principle of “two-line

struggle as a driving force for party development”,

which is decisive to formulate and defend the red

proletarian line and to combat the other non-proletarian

lines, in other words, to keep the Party red.

The general counterrevolutionary offensive that was

unleashed in the beginning of the 90s of the last century

– mainly by Yankee imperialism – is being defeated by

the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolutionary

counteroffensive through the People’s Wars, the

struggles for national liberation and the struggles

developed by the proletariat and the oppressed peoples

of the world. We greet the heroic People’s Wars in

India, Peru, Turkey and the Philippines and the national

liberation armed struggles.

Class struggle in the era of imperialism and the world

proletarian revolution – the era in which we find

ourselves in, the era of the general crisis and sweeping

away of imperialism – follows the logic of the people

that was established by Chairman Mao Tse-tung1,

according to which there is no definitive defeat for the

proletariat. Thus, the capitalist restorations in the USSR

(1956) and in China (1976) can not stop the

revolutionary march of the international proletariat on

its path to ultimately settle down in Power. These defeats

are only moments in the development of the contradiction

between revolution and counterrevolution, from which

we draw lessons to prevent restorations in the future.

The few decades of dictatorship of the proletariat –

which started the construction of socialism in more than

a third of the world – produced the greatest social

transformations and achievements for the masses in

human history, which were never reached before.

The end of the social-imperialist USSR in the

beginning of the 90s did not represent the defeat of

Marxism nor the failure of socialism, but the bankruptcy

of the decomposing revisionism and social-imperialism.

Marxism – today Marxism-Leninism-Maoism – is the

most complete, progressive and rational doctrine of the

whole human history; it represents the new because it

is the world view, the ideology of the last and most

advanced class in History: the proletariat; the class that

is conscious of its historical role of being the gravedigger

of capitalism and consequently of all class society.

Maoism is opposed to all the decadent and obsolete

bourgeois ideology and its revisionist deviations.

During more than 170 years starting from the Mani

festo of the Communist Party in 1848, the ideology of

the proletariat has emerged and developed itself in the

crucible of class struggle in three stages: 1) Marxism,

2) Marxism-Leninism and 3) Marxism-Leninism

Maoism. Maoism is the almighty scientific ideology of

the international proletariat, it is almighty because it is

true; the third, new and higher stage of Marxism; the

current Marxism that we uphold, defend and principally

apply.

The new revisionism of the ROL in Peru, of the so

called “prachandaism” and “avakianism”, etc., act within

the international proletarian movement as part of the

general counterrevolutionary offensive, as an anti

Maoist counter-current that attempts to hold down the

World Proletarian Revolution. The new revisionism

negates Marxism, the party, socialism, and the

dictatorship of the proletariat. However, the center of

its attacks are condensed in the negation of the People’s

War as an essential and inseparable question of Maoism.

The fundamental of Maoism is Power, in other words,

the power to the proletariat, the power to the

dictatorship of the proletariat, the power based on an

armed force led by the Communist Party. Notably: 1)

Power under the leadership of the proletariat within the

democratic revolution; 2) Power to the dictatorship of

the proletariat in the socialist revolution and the suc

cessive cultural revolutions; 3) Power based on an

armed force led by the communist Party, conquered

and defended through People’s War.

Chairman Mao established the strategy and tactics

of the world revolution. The development of the world

revolution is principal in preventing the world imperialist

war and – if it starts – we communists must oppose it

with world revolutionary war. This demands us to lead

People’s War to face the imperialist wars of aggression

against the oppressed nations in Asia, Africa, Latin

America, and even in Europe itself. Even without the

imperialist aggression we must lead the People’s War

to make revolution, reaching out countries and

continents until advancing toward the world revolution,

with which we will sweep away imperialism and the

reaction from the face of Earth. Thus, it corresponds to

us making the world revolution through revolutionary

war, and the base for it is constituted by the oppressed

nations.

Therefore, the fundamental aspect of Maoism is

Power. People’s War and Power for the class are an

essential and inseparable part of Maoism – of the

political and military conception of the proletariat: Power

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conquered and defended by the armed force led by

the Communist Party.

The Revolutionary War, the People’s War, is the

superior form of struggle – through which the

fundamental problems of revolution are solved; it is the

military strategy that correspond to the political strategy

(conquest of power) to transform society in favor of

the Class and the people; it is the principal form of

struggle and the People’s Army is the principal form of

organization, an army of a new type that combats,

mobilizes,2 and produces. People’s War is a war of

masses led by the Communist Party to conquer and

defend the New Power for the proletariat.

In order to carry out People’s War it is necessary to

have four fundamental problems in mind: 1) ideology

of the proletariat – Marxism-Leninism-Maoism –

applied to the concrete practice and the particularities

of revolution on each country, either oppressed

countries or imperialist countries; 2) the necessity of

the Communist Party to lead the People’s War; 3)

specification of the political strategy for its path; 4) base

areas. The New Power or Front-New State – that is

formed in the base areas – is the core of the People’s

War.

In order to establish the base areas, Chairman Mao

established three fundamental requirements: 1) to have

armed forces, 2) to defeat the enemy, 3) to mobilize

the masses. That is to say, to develop the Guerrilla

warfare to annihilate the living forces of the enemy, thus,

creating a void of power in order to establish, construct,

and defend the new Power – to destroy the old social

relations of production and to build new ones. From

there the contradiction New Power/New State versus

Old State develops, through various moments of

reestablishment and counter-reestablishment, according

to the fluidity of war.

Imperialism is the higher and last stage of capitalism,

it is monopolistic, parasitic, and decomposing and

agonizing. It is in its general and last crisis and due to

this situation it is harassed by its inevitable cyclical crisis

that is increasingly worsened and deepened. This is why

it always has to start from a lower point. It is only there

to be swept away by the world revolution.

Imperialism is the tendency toward reaction and war

all along the line. Imperialism and world reaction will

collapse in the midst of a complex of wars of all kinds,

they will be swept away from the face of Earth by

revolution, and Socialism will emerge. Lenin established

that “imperialism is a colossus with clay feet” and

Chairman Mao said strategically, we must utterly

despise imperialism. Tactically, we must take it seriously.

Mao established his great Thesis: “The next 50 to

100 years or so, as of today, will be a great epoch

of radical change of the social system in the world,

an epoch that will shake the earth, an epoch with

which no other previous historical epoch can be

compared. Living in such an epoch, we must be

ready to fight a great struggle whose forms will

have many different characteristics from the

past.” (Mao Tse-tung, “From a speech in front of a

meeting with 7000 cadres in 1962”)

The process of World Proletarian Revolution – in

which we develop ourselves in this period – is the one

in which imperialism and world reaction will be swept

away from the face of Earth. Thus, revolution has

become the historically and politically principal tendency

in the current world.

All the fundamental contradictions of this epoch are

aggravated, the principal one being the contradiction

between oppressed nations and imperialism. The

objective conditions were never so ripe for revolution.

The development of the subjective conditions advances,

smashing the declining general counteroffensive and

smashing pessimism and capitulationism promoted and

spread by revisionism. The conditions are each day

more favorable for revolution.

Developing the world proletarian revolution requires

more People’s Wars. It is necessary to constitute or

reconstitute communist parties – according to each case

– in each country, by applying the teachings of Lenin

“go further into the deepest masses”, “educate

them in the practice of revolutionary violence”,

and “sweep away the colossal heap of garbage

relentlessly fighting opportunism and

revisionism.”

The current international conference and the new

organization that is born by this act are achievements

of the international proletariat and a striking blow to

the general counterrevolutionary offensive of imperialism

and the world reaction, as well as to revisionism and all

opportunism.

The new international organization is a center of

ideological, political, and organizational coordination,

based on democratic centralism and the solution of

problems through mutual and permanent consultation

among the parties and organizations that conforms it,

and it will extend this procedure to all those who –

while participating with the same principles and purposes

– are outside of it. The task of the new international

organization is to struggle to impose Maoism as the

sole command and guide of the World Proletariat

Revolution, serving the constitution or reconstitution of

the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist communist parties (the

delayed strategic task) and serving to start, develop

and coordinate People’s Wars in the world towards

the reconstitution of the Communist International.

II. FOUNDATION FOR ESTABLISHING THE

GENERAL POLITICAL LINE FOR THE ICM

By applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the con

crete practice of revolution on each country and the

World Revolution, we point out the following

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foundations for the establishment and development of

the General Political Line for the International

Communist Movement:

1. NEW ERA

With the emergence of imperialism, the world was

divided between a handful of oppressing nations on the

one hand, and a big number of oppressed nations on

the other, ripening the conditions for the World

Revolution.

The triumph of the Great Socialist October

Revolution, 1917, led by the great Lenin and the

Bolshevik Party marked an extraordinary milestone in

Universal History. It is the end of the world bourgeois

revolution and the opening of the New Era, where the

proletariat is the class that assumes the destruction of

imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism:

the Era of Imperialism and the World Proletarian

Revolution. There were many revolutions before the

great October Revolution, each one of them provided

new impulse to society. However, these revolutions only

replaced an exploitation system with another.

The Great Socialist October Revolution (GSOR) was

the first revolution that was conceived and carried out

to establish a society free from exploitation and

oppression – a classless society. The Great Socialist

October Revolution represented a radical turning point

in the history of humanity. It opened a New Era in the

shining and long path that leads to socialism and

communism.

The GSOR potentiated revolutionary violence as an

indispensable weapon to transform the whole world.

Lenin said: “In the October Revolution …

revolutionary violence achieved a brilliant

success.” Assuming the Marxist principle of

revolutionary violence as a universal law, we reaffirm

ourselves in the established by Chairman Mao that

“Power grows from the barrel of a gun” and that

“we are in favor of the theory of the omnipotence

of revolutionary war.”

In order to appraise the world in this New Era we

see that four fundamental contradictions are expressed:

1) the contradiction between capitalism and socialism

– the contradiction between the two radically different

systems – will cover this whole period and it will be

one of the last to be resolved, it will last even after the

seizure of Power; 2) the contradiction between

bourgeoisie and proletariat – it is the contradiction

between two opposed classes – will also remain after

the seizure of Power, it manifests itself in various

ideological, political and economic forms until its

solution when we enter communism; 3) the inter

imperialist contradictions – these are the contradictions

between the imperialists for world hegemony; it takes

place between the superpowers, among the

superpowers and the imperialist powers and among the

imperialist powers; 4) the contradiction between

oppressed nations and imperialism – it is the struggle

for the liberation of the oppressed nations to destroy

imperialism and reaction; it is the historically principal

contradiction during the whole era of imperialism;

however, any one of the four fundamental contradictions

can become the principal according to specific

circumstances of class struggle, but the historically

principal contradiction will again express itself as such

until its final resolution.

We, the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists, have to carry out

three kinds of revolution in order to, in perspective,

achieve our final goal – communism: 1) democratic

revolution – the bourgeois revolution of a new type,

led by the proletariat in the backward countries –

establishes the joint dictatorship of the proletariat, the

peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie, and – under certain

conditions – the middle bourgeoisie, all under the

hegemony of the proletariat represented by its

Communist Party; 2) socialist revolution – in the

imperialist countries – which establishes the dictatorship

of the proletariat; 3) the cultural revolutions – they are

carried out in order to continue revolution under the

dictatorship of the proletariat, to submit and eliminate

any emergence of capitalism and to struggle against the

attempts of capitalist restoration – they serve to

strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat and to

march toward communism.

Chairman Mao taught us that “the replacement of

the old for the new is a universal, eternal and

inescapable law”. It is a law of history which, in the

struggle for establishing the new social system, the

classes cannot impose themselves in one single attempt,

with one single blow, and it cannot be different with the

proletariat. The capitalist restorations in the USSR

(1956) and in China (1976) are part of the contradiction

between socialism and capitalism – the historical

struggle for the replacement of the old by the new.

Lenin warned that the exploiting classes would never

resign after being defeated and expropriated. Their

hatred and efforts to restore capitalism would be

hundredfold by their defeat. Their wishes and intent for

restoration will turn into restoration attempts. This is

why they must be firmly submitted to the dictatorship

of the proletariat in order to generate the conditions for

the extinction of classes. Lenin declared: “liquidating

capitalism and its traces and introducing the

principles of the communist order constitutes the

content of the new epoch in the history of the entire

world that has now commenced.”

This way, Lenin pointed out that this task would take

a long time and that – in order to completely liquidate

the classes – it is not only necessary to eliminate the

exploiting classes but also to eliminate the differences

between city and countryside, workers and peasants,

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manual and intellectual labor and other differences.

This contradiction will only be solved through a long

and complex process of restoration and counter

restoration, until the dictatorship of the proletariat and

socialism are consolidated in the whole world. Thus,

paving the way for the disappearance of all social classes

– with which the state is also extinguished – and

humanity enters the forever shining and golden

communism. Chairman Mao taught that: “socialism

will eventually replace the capitalist system; This

is an objective law, independent of the will of man.

As much as the reactionaries try to stop the wheel

of history, sooner or later the revolution will take

place and, without a doubt, will triumph.”

2. THE PROCESS OF THE WORLD

REVOLUTION

There are two forces that operate in the revolutionary

movement in the whole world: the international

communist movement and the national liberation

movement, the first one is the lead and the second is

the base.

The national liberation movement is the force that

operates within the nations oppressed by imperialism

and the reaction. In the 1910s, Lenin paid maximum

attention to the struggle in India, China, Persia, putting

forward that the socialist revolution would not be

uniquely and exclusively the proletariat against their own

bourgeoisie but of all colonies against their oppressors.

He said that there is a fusion of forces: the international

proletarian movement that acts in the whole world, and

the national liberation movement of the oppressed

nations, and, given that the masses in the oppressed

nations are the majority of the global population, it will

be the decisive weight in the world revolution. He

reaches the conclusion that revolution shifts toward the

oppressed nations, but this does not deny revolution in

the imperialist countries. Furthermore, he shows that a

socialist state – as was the USSR – could develop in

the midst of imperialist siege. This is how the law of

uneven development of revolution in the world operates.

Further developing Marx, Lenin lays the basis of the

strategy of world revolution to undermine imperialism,

unite the struggle of national liberation with the struggles

of the international proletarian movement and develop

revolution. Although “Proletarians of all countries,

unite!” is the lemma for the communists, he puts

forward that the lemma that should guide the struggle

of the two forces should be “Proletarians of all

countries and peoples of the world, unite!”. The

latter unifies the proletarian movement for the

construction of socialism in the imperialist countries with

the struggles of national liberation in the colonial and

semi-colonial countries, a lemma that was accepted by

the Communist International.

Chairman Mao – developing the strategy and tactics

of the world revolution – specified this lemma according

to the tasks at the moment: “Marxist-Leninists of

all countries, unite! Revolutionary peoples of the

whole world, unite; overthrow imperialism,

contemporary revisionism and all reactionaries of

the different countries!” Thus, he fuses the national

liberation movement with the international communist

movement and these two forces impulse the

development of world history.

The international proletarian movement is the theory

and practice of the international proletariat. The

proletariat struggles in three spheres – ideological,

political and economic – and since it first appears in

history as the last class, it does so in struggle. The

following milestones stand out: 1848, when the

Communist Manifesto written by Marx and Engels

establishes the foundation and the program of the

proletariat; 1871, Paris Commune, where for the first

time the proletariat seizes power; 1905, general

rehearsal of revolution; 1917, the triumph of the

October Revolution in Russia, the class establishes the

dictatorship of the proletariat and opens a new era;

1949, the triumph of the Chinese revolution, the joint

dictatorship of the revolutionary classes led by the

proletariat and the uninterrupted step into socialist

revolution is resolved, it changes the correlation of forces

in the world; and the decade of 1960 with the Great

Proletarian Cultural Revolution, led by Chairman Mao

Tse-tung, revolution continues under the dictatorship

of the proletariat in sharp struggle between restoration

and counter-restoration.

We must develop the struggle for demands

serving the struggle of Power. The proletariat

generates the trade union and the strike within its struggle

for demands, which are not only instruments for the

struggle for demands, but they “forge the class for

the great battles to come”. The strike is the principal

instrument for the struggle for demands and the general

strike is a complement to insurrection.

The proletariat generates political apparatus: the

Communist Party which is totally opposed and distinct

to the other parties, it has the goal of seizing political

power, as defined by Marx. Lenin established the

character of the Party of a new type when combating

the hindering influence of old revisionism, which

generated bourgeois worker parties based on labor

aristocracy, union bureaucracy, parliamentary cretinism

and that are adjusted to the old order.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung developed the construction

of the Party around the gun and put forward the

interrelated construction of the three instruments:

Communist Party, Army of a new type and revolutionary

United Front, among which the center is the Communist

Party.

The proletariat generates ideology for the world

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proletarian revolution: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Marx has formulated and laid foundations to dialectical

materialism and applied it to the analysis of capital – of

the capitalist society – and has discovered the law of

development of history. Marx and Engels gathered the

best that was produced by humanity: German classical

philosophy, English political economy and French

socialism, to lay foundations to the ideology of the

proletariat. After the death of Marx, Engels has

completed the still pending works of Marx, such as the

books two and three of The Capital. He systematized

and defined Marxism as the integral and harmonic theory

of the international proletariat. In Lenin’s words: “it is

impossible to understand Marxism and to propound

it fully without taking into account all of the works

of Engels.” Marxism has never given a single step in

life without struggling against erroneous ideas and

positions. Thus, it had to confront Proudhon and

anarchism, the rightist deviations and supposedly

creative developments of Dühring, the opportunist

positions that emerged within the social-democrat par

ty of Germany.

Our immortal founders Marx and Engels have shown,

through scientific analysis, the collapse of capitalism and

its inevitable transit into communism – where no more

exploitation of man by man will exist. They established

that the mission of the proletariat of all countries is to

rise in revolutionary struggle against capitalism and

gather all workers and exploited to destroy it and to

edify socialism and communism over its ashes.

After the death of Engels, the old revisionism

developed – with Bernstein and Kautsky – and Lenin

combated and defeated them. To sum up, Marxism –

in its first stage – will establish Marxist philosophy or

dialectical materialism, Marxist political economy, and

scientific socialism.

Lenin developed Marxism and raised it to a second

stage, Marxism-Leninism. He made this in a fierce

struggle against old revisionism. They denied Marxist

philosophy by saying one should base oneself in neo

kantism, which is idealism and not dialectical

materialism. In political economy, they denied growing

pauperization, thus they affirmed that capitalism met the

demands of the proletariat; they denied plus-value and

imperialism. In Scientific socialism, they went against

class struggle, against revolutionary violence, and the

dictatorship of the proletariat – disseminating pacifism

and parliamentary cretinism.

Lenin taught that the revolutionary politics of the

proletariat is materalized through its vanguard party.

Without its General Staff – the Communist Party – the

proletariat cannot fulfill its principal role in the

transformation of the world. Thanks to the existence of

a Revolutionary Party of New Type, created and led

by Lenin, the Russian proletariat could take advantage

of the revolutionary situation and answer the imperialist

war with revolutionary civil war. Chairman Mao said:

“with the birth of revolutionary parties of this kind,

the physiognomy of world revolution has changed”.

Revisionism is to revise the Marxist principles by

invoking new circumstances. Lenin said that revisionism

is the advanced detachment of the bourgeoisie in the

ranks of the proletariat and that to struggle against

imperialism it is necessary to struggle against revisionism

– because they are two faces of the same coin. Lenin

highlights that revisionism attempts to divide the trade

union movement and the political movement of the

proletariat and generates the split of socialism.

Furthermore, within this unerring and implacable struggle

against revisionism, Lenin puts forward – in the context

of the preparation and beginning of the World War I –

to convert the imperialist war into revolutionary war,

thus unmasking the old revisionists as social-patriots

and social-chauvinists; he puts forward that in times of

revolution it is necessary to create new organizations

because reaction attacks the legal and open

organizations and we must assemble clandestine

apparatuses, even for mass work. Then, he materialized

the October Revolution with a Communist Party and

through armed insurrection.

Comrade Stalin would continue the work of Lenin

and – in the process of the construction of socialism in

the USSR – he will struggle against right opportunism

and the treason of Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev and

Bukarin. Stalin developed this struggle for 13 years and

it is false that he solved things administratively.

During the World War, the USSR under the

leadership of comrade Stalin had to apply scorched

land to defend its territory, the defense of the socialist

motherland costed more than 25 million lives. In the

midst of a complex and difficult situation – under the

leadership of comrade Stalin – the dictatorship of the

proletariat was consolidated and the construction of

socialism triumphed. The five five-year plans that were

applied for twenty five years led to the biggest

transformation in the relations of production, to the most

powerful development of the productive forces in history

and the greatest social achievements by the people’s

masses seen until then.

We assume the position of Chairman Mao on the

role of comrade Stalin that he was a great Marxist.

Furthermore, we must bear in mind that he was the one

who brilliantly defined Leninism. We, the communists,

today have the task to assume the defense of his role in

World War II within the Communist International,

particularly its 7th World Congress.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung, while developing Marxism

Leninism-Maoism, raises Marxism to its highest summit

turning the theory of the proletariat into Marxism

Leninism-Maoism. He fulfilled this task in the midst of

a tenacious and persistent struggle, smashing right

opportunist lines within the Communist Party of China

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– here we highlight smashing the revisionist lines of Liu

Shao-chi and Teng Siao-ping; and at the international

level he led the struggle and defeated modern revisionism

of Khrushchev. He materialized the democratic

revolution in China, the uninterrupted transit to socialist

revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

(GPCR).

In historical perspective, the GPCR is what is the

most transcendental of the development of Marxism

Leninism, that was done by Chairman Mao; it is the

solution of the big pending problem of the continuation

of revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat;

“it represents a new stage, even deeper and wider,

in the development of the socialist revolution”.

Let us highlight two questions: 1) the GPCR implies

a milestone in the development of the dictatorship of

the proletariat toward rooting the proletariat into Power,

which was concreted with the “Three in One”

Revolutionary Committees; and 2) the restoration of

capitalism in China – after the counterrevolutionary coup

in 1976 by the clique of Teng – is not a negation of the

GPCR but simply part of the contend between

restoration-counterrestoration and, on the contrary, it

shows us the transcendental historical importance the

GPCR has in the inexorable march of humanity toward

communism.

In these conditions, the most earthshaking political

process and the biggest political mass mobilization ever

seen on Earth was produced, which goals Chairman

Mao defines as follows: “The present Great

Proletarian Cultural Revolution is completely

necessary and very timely to consolidate the

dictatorship of the proletariat, to prevent the

restoration of capitalism and to build socialism”.

Chairman Mao affirmed that not having a correct

ideological-political point of view corresponds to not

having a soul, and that the GPCR is a great revolution

that has the goal of changing the soul of people – in

other words, the worldview, the ideology – raising the

proletariat and the broad masses for the struggle for

Power, the defense of the dictatorship of the proletariat,

world revolution, and communism.

Thus, we communists have three great swords: our

founder Marx, the great Lenin and Chairman Mao Tse

tung, our great task is to uphold, defend and apply

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, placing it at the command

and guide of the world revolution.

The path of heroism and great social transformations

of the world proletarian revolution has concretely

started in 1871 with the immortal Paris Commune,

followed by the revolution of 1905 in Russia.

Afterwards, in the midst of the first imperialist world

war, it triumphed with the Great Socialist October

Revolution of 1917, opening a New Era of Universal

History.

Once more and shortly afterwards, imperialism was

expressing its general crisis of decomposition and

opened the confrontation among its main powers in

order to get out of the crisis and redefine the new world

hegemony with the resurgence of the second great

imperialist war. The war transformed itself in great

battles of national liberation throughout the whole world

and sharpened the contradiction between revolution and

counterrevolution – which led to the smashing of fascism

and the great triumph of the USSR and the Red Army,

as well as many other democratic revolutions in Europe

and Asia, which generated a broad socialist camp.

With the great Chinese revolution, a new relation of

strategic stalemate of the forces of the world between

capitalism and socialism was marked. All the period

after World War II was of bitter battles between

imperialism and socialism. The Yankee imperialists have

reached hegemony in the capitalist camp and have

threatened the world with the blackmail of the atomic

bomb, which resounded in class struggle in the whole

world.

In the USSR, the right wing of the CPSU raised to

hinder the development of socialism and – with the death

of the great comrade Stalin – seized the moment to

take the offensive and modern revisionism came out

into the light, which undermined the dictatorship of the

proletariat and the unity of international communist

movement. In the 20th Congress of the CPSU, 1956,

Khrushchev revisionism ran rampant and usurped the

leadership of the Party of Lenin and Stalin and of the

Red Army. With a state coup, the leadership of the

proletariat was usurped, producing the bourgeois

restoration in the USSR.

Facing this fact, imperialism inflates and promotes

offensives in many countries – with state coups – in

order to deepen its domination and to oppose the high

tide of national liberation struggles which was taking

place in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The CPCh –

with Chairman Mao at its head – and a handful parties

rose against Khrushchev revisionism and imperialism

and in defense of the world revolution, opening the

greatest ideological confrontation ever seen. All this

process sharpened the internal struggle within the

communist parties in the whole world.

In China, the left wing in the CPCh – under the Great

Leadership of Chairman Mao – took the offensive in

defense of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung

thought. They unleashed the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution, which deepened the socialist revolution. It

synthesized the path on how to carry out class struggle

and revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat

– a question of utmost importance in Marxism that was

not resolved until then. It prevented the bourgeois

restoration in China for ten years. With the death of

Chairman Mao, the rightist capitalist roaders – with the

clique of Teng – were encouraged and able to assault

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and usurp the power of the dictatorship of the

proletariat.

Then the world revolution was left without its base

area and entered a new period of dispersion of the ICM.

In the struggle against modern revisionism and in defense

of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought, the

parties that were reconstituted in many countries of the

world unleashed people’s wars. Thus, the torch of the

world proletarian revolution was maintained in the

armed struggle as People’s War in India, the Philippines,

and Turkey and afterwards Peru. Especially with the

people’s war in Peru – under the Great Leadership of

Chairman Gonzalo, by applying Marxism-Leninism

Mao Tse-tung thought to the Peruvian revolution – in

which Maoism was defined as the new, third and higher

stage of the development of Marxism.

A new general counterrevolutionary offensive headed

by the Yankees was unleashed in the midst of a

worsening of the general crisis of imperialism. However,

they could only achieve a sharpening of all contradictions

of the system, leading the world into an increasing

disorder and advancing its decomposition. This

generated great explosiveness of the exploited and

oppressed masses in the whole world, the continuation

and impulse of the ongoing peoples wars, and the

preparations for the initiation of many others, as well as

the intensification of the wars of plunder on the

oppressed nations with a serious sharpening of the inter

imperialist contradictions.

Facing the current situation, we communists are

before the great challenge of giving a leap in the ICM

by unifying ourselves around Marxism-Leninism

Maoism and the definition of its general political line in

order to confront the general counterrevolutionary of

fensive of imperialism, which is being thorn into pieces

in its sharp contradictions.

Universal history is entering a new period of

revolution. Today, the communists are for precisely

defining the moment the WPR is on. This is key to

understand the relation of forces in the current world,

our situation and that of the enemy, to serve the

advancement of revolution in the world.

Chairman Mao taught us that the path is tortuous,

but the perspectives are brilliant. Revolution will triumph

in the whole world and communism will shine over the

Earth sooner than later, depending on the action of the

communists.

3. INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

Upholding the thesis of Lenin, the economic relations

of imperialism constitute the basis of the currently

existing international situation. Throughout the whole

20th Century, this new particular phase of capitalism –

its higher and last stage – was completely defined and

the division of the world into oppressed and oppressor

countries is a distinctive feature of imperialism. The

whole process of the capitalist society has the

contradiction between the proletariat and the

bourgeoisie as the fundamental contradiction. Yet, three

fundamental contradictions are developed in the world

when it transits from non-monopoly capitalism into

monopoly capitalism – or imperialism:

First contradiction: between oppressed nations, on

the one hand, and imperialist superpowers and powers

on the other. This is the principal contradiction in the

current moment and the principal contradiction of the

epoch of imperialism at the same time. The world is

divided: On one side there is the immense majority of

oppressed nations – which are colonial or semi-colonial

countries (the latter have only formal sovereignty or

independence, they are economically, politically,

militarily and culturally subjugated to imperialism); on

the other side there are a handful of imperialist powers,

either superpowers or powers – in both cases they are

oppressing nations. On the side of the imperialist

powers, Yankee imperialism is the sole hegemonic

superpower. Russia is still an atomic superpower and

there is a handful of second-tier imperialist powers.

Yankee imperialism is the largest exporter of capital

in the world, which is expressed in enormous

unbalances in its economy. In order to keep its

hegemony, imperialism is forced to carry out many wars

at the same time, as well as having military presence in

all continents. This leads to enormous economic costs

for maintaining its huge military machinery, espionage

and covered operations, credit costs from the past and

current wars, support for the war veterans; not to

mention the high social cost that is caused in their own

land, the despise for the life and dignity of the masses

of the oppressed nations, the genocide they apply to

subjugate them which no

urishes class hatred from all the peoples of the world.

On its part, the oppressed countries host the largest

and poorest population, they are subject to imperialist

oppression, they live in conditions that do not fit the

level of development achieved by humanity, they suffer

the demise of their living conditions, of the natural

environment and they are stricken by the systematic

wars of plunder of imperialism and their local lackeys.

A bureaucratic capitalism evolves on a semi-feudal

and semi-colonial basis in those countries. It generates

the corresponding political and ideological genres and

systematically prevents national development, it exploits

the proletariat, the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie

and restricts the medium bourgeoisie.

Not acknowledging the semi-feudal character of the

oppressed countries and, thus, the necessity for a

peasant war to solve it, ends up denying the necessity

of the democratic revolution in those countries, the

necessity to develop the People’s War as a unitary war

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– in which the countryside is principal and the city is a

necessary complement – to end with semi-feudality,

imperialism and bureaucratic capitalism.

World crisis will continue to be unloaded on the

oppressed countries and as long as they hold this

condition they will still be the spoils for the imperialist

repartition. The policy of imperialism is further reaction

and violence against the oppressed nations for a further

national subjugation or wars of prey and plunder. The

plan of the imperialists is the partition of the countries

and the new world repartition, based on the relations

of military force and the advance in the occupation of

strategic positions. What they seek is not peace but to

subjugate the peoples through capitulation with imposed

“agreements” and “peace agreements”, in which they

only formalize what they have achieved in the battlefield.

The oppressed countries from Asia, Africa, and Latin

America – as pointed out by Chairman Mao – are the

zones of revolutionary storms and the base for the world

proletarian revolution. It is necessary to highlight that

the oppressed countries extends even to Europe itself.

We reaffirm that the true national self-determination

can only be achieved through revolution of a new

democracy or socialist revolution, according to each

case, to which it is necessary to constitute or reconstitute

communist parties of new type, marxist-leninist-maoist

parties capable of leading revolution to its end.

Chairman Mao has masterly synthesized all the struggles

in the oppressed nations with the following great

guideline: “The countries want their sovereignty,

the nations want their liberation and the peoples

want revolution!”

Second contradiction: between proletariat and

bourgeoisie.

The economic crisis in 2008 that began as a finance

crisis in the USA was unloaded on the masses in the

oppressed countries and even in the imperialist countries

themselves. Thus it has stricken the proletariat of the

imperialist countries, which instigated sharp struggles

for the defense of the achievements they conquered

throughout the 20th Century. The consequences of this

crisis were not overcame, this is why the recovering of

employment is at the expense of worse quality, lower

wages and larger working day. The recovering is at the

expense of increasing the over-exploitation of the class.

The contradiction proletariat-bourgeoisie is also

worsened as a result of the migratory waves of

thousands of war refugees and poor people in general

who – fleeing from the imperialist war and the ferocious

exploitation and oppression in the semi-colonies – are

thickening the ranks of the proletariat in the imperialist

countries. These migratory waves are a consequence

of the system itself and the “humanitarian tragedy” to

which they are leading benefits the monopolies in the

imperialist countries by reducing the production costs

by reducing salaries with this working force that has

costed them nothing.

At the same time, the imperialists themselves cynically

broadcast at their media the danger of “terrorism” of

those immigrants and promote chauvinist hysteria,

nourish racism and nationalism. Imperialism applies its

chauvinist reactionary policy of dividing the class

between native workers and immigrant workers to

prevent the united class-conscious action of the

proletariat. To prevent it from organizing itself as a single

class with the same interests with a single ideology, a

single politics and a single party – the Communist Par

ty.

The contradiction in the imperialist countries is also

between revolution and counterrevolution, it is not a

question of changing this or that political regime – in

other words, the form of government of the bourgeois

dictatorship – but to put an end to the dictatorship of

the bourgeoisie over the proletariat and the people

through socialist revolution.

The contradiction bourgeoisie-proletariat and all the

other contradictions within the imperialist nations are

sharpening. Also, because all the kinds of infamies that

are carried out by the imperialist states against the

oppressed nations and their peoples – particularly by

USA imperialism – is increasingly backlashing within

the imperialist countries themselves – this is a feature of

the current phase of its decomposition. The imperialist

war has to necessarily return home.

Furthermore, in their own land, the systematic and

continuous murder of the members of the poorest

masses by the repressive forces of Yankee state are

part of the war against the US proletariat and people –

particularly against the black and immigrant from the

oppressed countries and their descendants. Facing

oppression, the tendency is that the masses upraise in

rebellion and turn the guns they were given for the

massive genocide in the oppressed nations against their

own oppressors. Some expressions that confirm such

tendency have already taken place.

In brief, the principal is that the movement against

the imperialist war will increase, added to the rebellion

against the exploitation and oppression of the Class and

the increasing poverty of the masses. This is happening

in all the imperialist countries.

When dealing with the fundamental contradictions

of the world today – which is to say, the contradictions

which decisively marks the struggle of the international

class, the struggle between revolution and

counterrevolution – we cannot think that the

contradiction proletariat-bourgeoisie exists only in the

imperialist countries. This contradiction exists in all

countries of the world.

In the oppressed countries, it is expressed as the

contradiction between the proletariat and the

bureaucratic-comprador bourgeoisie. In those

countries, the side of the people has a center: the

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proletariat, which is the only class that is able to lead

the democratic revolution until the end, given the

condition that it develops its vanguard – the Communist

Party – which leads the People’s War through actions,

forging the workers-peasant alliance, winning over the

petty bourgeoisie as a trustful ally, and – in given

conditions and circumstances – uniting with the national

bourgeoisie (medium bourgeoisie).

In those countries, the more the ruling classes attempt

to restructure the state, the antagonism of the

contradiction between the proletariat and the

bureaucratic-comprador bourgeoisie gets even more

evident. Both antagonistic classes start to increasingly

polarize one against the other and the proletariat gains

more importance as the sole leading class of the

democratic revolution.

We highlight that there are three fundamental

contradictions in the democratic revolution:

contradiction nation-imperialism, contradiction people

bureaucratic capitalism, and contradiction masses

feudality. Any of those could become the principal

contradiction according to the periods of revolution. In

the oppressed countries, the contradiction proletariat

bourgeoisie is expressed in the contradiction people

bureaucratic capitalism (due to it, the proletariat is the

leading class on the people’s side). When the victory is

achieved in the democratic revolution – which

economically implies the confiscation of the imperialist

capital, the bureaucratic capitalism, and the big landlord

feudal property and the individual distribution to the

poor peasants, mainly the ones without or with little

land – the socialist revolution on that moment starts to

develop uninterruptedly changing the character of

revolution, then the contradiction proletarian

bourgeoisie becomes the principal one.

As Maoists, we know well that after the triumph of

the socialist revolution – having established the

dictatorship of the proletariat – it corresponds to carry

out successive cultural revolutions in order to prevent

the capitalist restoration and to continue the march

towards communism, in which all or none enters.

Third contradiction: interimperialist. Just as Lenin

taught us: imperialism is not one – there are different

imperialist countries. In other words, there are imperialist

powers and superpowers which divides the world

among them according to their relations of economic,

political and military strength; relations of strength that

changes all the time and develop through collusion and

contend.

The United States currently bears the condition of

sole hegemonic superpower. After the disintegration of

the social-imperialist USSR in 1991, the economic

weight of imperialist Russia was reduced and so did

their military power, but it still maintains its character of

atomic superpower. In turn, the other imperialist

powers, like Germany, England, France, Japan, Chi

na, Austria, the Netherlands, Australia, Sweden, Ca

nada, Italy, Spain, etc., altogether are also a handful of

oppressing countries. Since the decade of 1990, they

are contending for a new repartition of the oppressed

countries that were subjected to social-imperialist

USSR. Since then, all the events of some relevance –

be them bellicose or non-bellicose – in Eastern Europe,

in the former Soviet Republics of Central Asia, the so

called Amplified Middle East – the Persian Gulf, Iraq,

Afghanistan, Syria, Northern Africa –, and in the Far

East – North Korea –, in Southeastern Asia – Vietnam,

Laos, Kampuchea – and in Latin America – Cuba,

Nicaragua, and Venezuela – are included in this contend

for the new repartition of those countries.

The current world situation is marked by the plan of

Yankee imperialism to develop its war of aggression

through blood and fire. Their main strategic objective

is to snatch the condition of atomic superpower from

Russia, hold down social-imperialist China and press it

to widely open its economy. Alliances with other

imperialist powers are used for that purpose – according

to convenience – as with Germany, France, England,

etc., to subvert the order in the spheres of influence

that has a high strategic value for Russia and imposes

economic sanctions as a threat to all imperialist powers.

In turn, Russia makes efforts to maintain its spheres of

influence, especially in Ukraine, Syria and Iran.

As for the imperialists, be them alone or in coalitions,

they are against one or many oppressed countries, at

this moment not only the principal contradiction

expresses itself, but also the third contradiction – among

the imperialists themselves – is expressed there. Yankee

imperialism uses “divide and rule” against other

imperialist powers. The imperialists violates as they wish

their own treaties, their own international rules – the

principle of non-aggression – because the law is for

others to follow. This is why peace and harmony

between imperialists is a repetition of an old cackle –

as those of “superimperialism” and “ultraimperialism”,

which spread reactionary concepts such as

“neoimperialism”, “neocolonialism”, “neoliberalism”,

“globalization”, “geopolitics”, etc. Those are pseudo

theories that mainly points against democratic revolution

and the struggles for national liberation and are used by

both imperialists themselves and by revisionists.

The imperialist dispute is absolute and the collusion

is relative. This determines the circumstantial and

temporary character of the imperialist alliances; this is

why one cannot speak about “imperialist blocks”, this

is revisionism. Thus, the European Union is not a block,

or an “European imperialism”, but an alliance of

countries of Europe, under hegemony of Germany – in

collusion and contend with France that tries to increase

its power – to dispute against Yankee imperialism.

The second tier imperialist powers struggle to convert

themselves into new superpowers and start contending

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for world hegemony to occupy the place that is today

held by Yankee imperialism and to impose – through a

new world war – a new repartition of the world – that

is already divided – and a new world order.

Regarding the contradiction between socialism

and capitalism – which corresponds to the whole era

of the world proletarian revolution – in the current

situation, it is expressed and develops in the ideological

and historical field – due to the fact that there is no

socialism since the bourgeois restoration in China until

now.

On the side of the reaction, this contradiction

manifests itself as the general counterrevolutionary of

fensive – which is weakening – and is currently pointed

against the national liberation wars through the so-called

“war on terror”. We oppose it with the marxist-leninist

maoist revolutionary counteroffensive, which mainly

develops with People’s War. In the terrain of revolution,

the contradiction between socialism and capitalism

expresses itself in that socialism lives as an idea in the

struggles of the proletariat and the peoples of the world;

in the ongoing combats and People’s Wars in India,

Peru, Turkey and the Philippines; and the restless pro

paganda and increasing two lines struggle among the

marxist-leninist-maoist parties and organizations for

unifying the ICM under the guidance of Maoism and

the application mainly of People’s War.

All of that, on the one hand, impulses the greater

reactionarization of the bourgeois state (big landowners

bureaucratic old state in service of imperialism in the

oppressed countries) to counter the revolutionary

situation in uneven development in the whole world. Its

expression is the advance toward the absolute

centralization of power in the Executive power – be it

as presidential absolutism or as fascism – according to

the particularities of the different countries. The

centralization of power to face the crisis of maintaining

its domination and the revolution, and for the imperialist

war of aggression.

The objective situation at world level develops,

fundamentally as a worsening of the general

decomposition crisis of imperialism – which even the

reaction itself needs to acknowledge. It is the deepening

of its collapse. The huge richness that is socially

produced incessantly grows for a handful of imperialists

and the big bourgeois and landowners of the oppressed

countries while the people’s masses in the whole world

are deprived of its appropriation. The result of all this

are sharper crisis and shorter cycles within the general

and last crisis of imperialism, which pushes all imperialist

states to wage wars of prey for a new repartition.

Imperialism is still alive and Yankee imperialism – as

the sole hegemonic superpower and world

counterrevolutionary gendarme – is the principal enemy

of the peoples of the world; it still does as it pleases in

Africa, Asia, and Latin America; it still occupies colonies

by force, establishes its military bases in all parts of the

world and imposes a war of plunder; it continues to

oppress the people’s masses in its own country. But

the same situation is also becoming further unbearable

and it is inevitable that sooner or later more than 90%

of the world population would rise against imperialism

and the reactionaries. All that in fierce struggle and in

uneven development, it is already going on as a New

Great Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution.

Since the beginning of this decade, the crisis of

imperialism and bureaucratic capitalism sharpens even

more in the whole world. Whenever its decomposition

deepens, all the contradictions sharpen; which generates

more revolutionary situation in uneven development in

the whole world. The situation is expressed by the great

activity of the masses, its explosiveness makes all

reactionaries and their revisionist lackeys tremble. It is

expressed everywhere at great explosions never seen

before. The objective situation meets at fast pace with

the subjective factor – principally the process of the

Communist Parties, as marxist-leninist-maoist parties

of a new type to initiate new People’s Wars. Thus a

new moment opens, a period of revolutions as part of

this New Great Wave of the World Proletarian

Revolution. This situation determines the tasks, the

strategy and the tactics of the Communist Parties in the

whole world.

4. INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST

MOVEMENT

We reaffirm ourselves in the full validity of the Mani

festo of the Communist Party from 18483, which is the

birth certificate and cornerstone of the International

Communist Movement. It established the fundamental

principles and the Program of the proletarian

revolutionaries. Our great founders, Marx and Engels,

made that great calling and lemma “Proletarians of

all countries, unite!”, and that lemma for combat

inspires the struggles of the proletariat in the whole world

and guides it through the path of emancipation. The

flames of revolution that were ignited by Marx and

Engels have set the world on fire, forever changing the

course of world history.

Marx said: “Past experience has shown how

disregard of the bond of brotherhood which ought

to exist between the workmen of the different

countries, and incite them to stand firmly by each

other in all their struggles for emancipation, will

be chastised by common discomfiture of their

isolated efforts.”

Lenin established that true proletarian

internationalism requires: “first, the subordination of

the interests of the proletarian struggle in a

country to the interests of this struggle on world

scale; second, that the nation that is reaching the

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triumph over the bourgeoisie is capable and willing

to make the greatest national sacrifices for the

overthrow of international capital.” Chairman Mao

raised internationalism in its deepest sense when

affirming: “it is the spirit of communism”.

Thus, the History of the International Communist

Movement is a glorious process of struggle, through

which the communists of the world have struggled and

struggle to unify themselves serving the achievement of

the unalterable goal: the communist society.

Three internationals were built in this heroic struggle:

The First International, or International Worker’s

Association (IWA), was founded by Marx and Engles

in 1864 in a fierce struggle against the anarchist, the

Blanquists and other positions to establish that the

ideology of the proletariat was only one – Marxism – it

is solid and scientifically welded with the international

nature of the proletariat and its revolutionary party, it

laid the ideological basis of the proletarian revolution.

The moment the International was infiltrated and

surrounded by opportunists who attempted to usurp it,

Marx put forward that it would be better to end with

the IWA than to see it murdered by unity without

principles.

The Second International, based on Marxism, was

founded by Engels in 1889 and served the multiplication

of worker’s socialist organizations and parties,

especially in Europe and North America. After the death

of Engles, the revisionism of Bernstein and Kautsky

assaulted the leadership of the Second International and

it degenerated into opportunism, it was finally bankrupt

during World War I, when their leaders opposed

themselves to struggle against the imperialist war under

the pretext of Defensism4. They refused to turn it into

revolution by voting for the credits of war at the

parliament – they supported the imperialist war and the

bourgeoisie of their own countries – then becoming

social-patriotic, social-chauvinists, social-traitors.

The founding of the Third International, in March

1919, was the result of a long struggle by the left of the

ICM that was developed under the Great Leadership

of Lenin and the Bolshevik Party. It condensates the

experience of the proletarian revolution in the combats

against tsarism, imperialism and all reaction inseparably

to the struggle against all opportunism and revisionism

of the parties of the Second International which was

molded to the old order. Lenin conceived and founded

the Third International as a war machine to carry out

the World Proletarian Revolution and the construction

of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The founding of

the Third International constitutes a great leap in the

history of the International Communist Movement.

The Third International – Communist International

(CI or Comintern) – existed for 24 years, seven world

congresses were held during that time until its self

dissolution in 1943. It had to develop in a complex

context represented by the loss of its founder and

principal leader – the Great Lenin – in 1924, the great

challenges of the construction of socialism in the USSR,

the rise of fascism to Power in many countries of the

world – especially in Europe – and the beginning of

World War II.

Its existence was strongly influenced by the intense

and hard two line struggle that was developed within

the Bolshevik Communist Party which lasted 13 years,

in which the left – under the leadership of comrade Stalin

– had to tenaciously struggle to unmask and smash

trotskyism, bukarinism, and the right opportunist clique

of Kamenev-Zinoviev, among other gangs and black

lines, against their efforts to undermine the dictatorship

of the proletariat in the USSR, their attempts to usurp

the leadership of the CI and controlling apparatuses to

impose their policies in many sections – nefarious actions

that caused grave harm.

Because of that, the CI (Comintern) suffered right

and “left” deviations – particularly within the period

between the 5th and the 7th Congresses – and it has

issued some erroneous advises and directives that

caused some harm to revolutionary parties and

processes. However, the principal was that comrade

Stalin led – developing the two line struggle – the left

within the Communist International preventing the

revisionist usurpation and smashed the trotskyist and

zinovievist influence at its leadership. Under the just and

correct leadership of comrade Stalin, the Comintern

retained its red color, Marxism-Leninism prevailed and

revisionism could not raise its head.

The 7th Congress, celebrated in mid-1935, was of

particular transcendence due to the circumstances of

the moment and the challenges it faced. This important

Congress had to answer to new and far-reaching

problems in the midst of a difficult and complex situation.

The 7th Congress established the tactic of World

Antifascist Front and People’s Front to defend the

dictatorship of the proletariat and develop the

proletarian revolution, while combating the

counterrevolutionary offensive of fascism. With it, for

the first time in the history of the ICM the international

proletariat and the people’s masses of the whole world

could be united under the same flag, the same politics,

the same plan and under the same leadership, with a

single combating army, giving shape to the task inherited

from Lenin of working as a true war machine for the

World Revolution.

Guided by the Comintern, hundreds of millions of

masses have risen as a great torrent of steel against

fascism, for revolution and in defense of the USSR and

the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Chinese revolution

stood out, which changed the correlation of forces in

the struggle against imperialism and the reaction

worldwide, favoring socialism and the proletariat and

oppressed peoples.

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Under the leadership of the Comintern, the

communists carried out heroic armed struggles as

guerrilla warfare – like in the Spanish Civil War – in

dozens of countries – not only in Europe but also in

Asia. In those countries in which revolution could not

triumph, the cause for that was principally because there

were no sufficiently mature and prepared communist

parties, based on Marxism-Leninism and warned against

revisionism. Despite of that, as history shows, its

struggle contributed to the defeat of fascism, and the

communists have shown to the whole world the

communist high valor and heroism, not allowing the

morale of the class to be broken.

By applying the resolutions of the 7th Congress, the

CPCh, led by Chairman Mao, knew how to carry out

the Front policy specified to the necessities of Revolution

in China – applying independence and self-decision,

unity and struggle, defeating Japanese fascism and

continuing with the liberation war until seizing power in

the whole country, smashing the local ruling classes and

their imperialist masters and completing the revolution

of a New Democracy and continuing socialist revolution

uninterruptedly. The creative application of Marxism

Leninism and the line established by the 7th Congress

to the concrete conditions of the country and its

integration with the practice of the Chinese revolution

led to the development of a more comprehensive and

complete understanding of united front and the full

development of the theory and practice of People’s War.

The problems and deviations that took place in many

countries were mainly due to the application of the front

policy by each respective party, the main responsibility

falls on the communist parties, who are the responsible

ones for the application of the International line to their

respective countries. According to what was put

forward by Chairman Mao, in order to establish a just

assessment of this experience, it is necessary to draw a

clear demarcation line between those who were still

within Marxism from those who fell into the mire of

revisionism and still within the first group we need to

differentiate the mistakes of principles from the mistakes

made within the practical work. What is key is that

Chairman Mao develops the six laws of the united front

and regarding the three fundamental instruments of

revolution and their interrelation.

After carrying out armed struggle of heroic resistance

against Nazi-fascism, in some countries like Italy and

France, the communist parties moved away from the

orientations of the Comintern and the fundamental

principles of Marxism-Leninism due to the right

opportunist positions at the leadership of these, their

leadership capitulated before their bourgeoisie while

centering in the defense of the demo-liberal regime and

betrayed revolution, degenerating into the most rotten

revisionism, the modern revisionism.

At a world level, the Antifascist Front was brilliantly

applied under the leadership of comrade Stalin – the

center was the defense of the dictatorship of the

proletariat represented by the USSR. Through it, the

dictatorship of the proletariat faced fascism and World

Revolution advanced. The victory of the antifascist war

was a great and heroic victory of socialism, a victory of

the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples

of the world over imperialism and world reaction, a

victory of Marxism-Leninism over revisionism.

With the victory of the antifascist war, the imperialist

camp was weakened and the proletarian revolution

grew stronger. Thanks to the glorious role of the Red

Army and the wars of resistance, revolution has

expanded through Eastern Europe and Central Europe

reaching part of Germany – thus increasing the socialist

camp. Remarkably with the victory of the Chinese

revolution in 1949, the correlation of forces between

revolution and counterrevolution at the international

arena changed in favor of world Revolution. The world

revolution advanced into the stage of strategic stalemate

– a powerful socialist camp and a powerful movement

of national liberation in the colonies and semi-colonies

emerged.

This is why we consider that the 7th Congress was

an important marxist-leninist congress that armed the

proletariat with a just and correct political line to fight

fascism and advance with the World Proletarian

Revolution.

Although the Comintern and comrade Stalin made

some mistakes on the course, the problems of grave

deviations and betrayals were caused by revisionism in

the leadership of those parties who got into those

situations and it cannot be credited to comrade Stalin,

the CP(b) of the USSR, or the Comintern.

When gleaning the history of the ICM and the

Proletarian Revolution, we see that comrade Stalin knew

how to firmly and ingeniously apply – in the midst of a

complex and difficult situation – the definition of Lenin

of true proletarian internationalism and to subject the

particular and national interests to the interests of the

international proletariat as a whole, putting the defense

of the World Proletarian Revolution and the cause of

communism in first place.

In 1943, the Comitern self-dissolved and the ICM

entered a period of relative dispersion, which was

principally generated by the splittist and treacherous

action of modern revisionism. Modern revisionism was

a counter-current represented by Browder, Tito,

Togliatti, Thorez and mainly Khrushchev and the

infamous 20th Congress of the CPSU where his clique

usurped the leadership of the CPSU, the Red Army

and the Socialist State – degenerating them into

revisionist party, anti-people’s army and social-fascist

bourgeois state, respectively – and destroying the

dictatorship of the proletariat, undermining the basic

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principles of the unity of the International Communist

Movement.

The Cominform was founded in 1947, comrade Stalin

had fiercely combated modern revisionism and smashed

and condemned Tito revisionism through it. It was the

Cominform who started the struggle against the first

state to have revisionism in power. In the Conference

of Budapest, Tito revisionism was condemned and

expelled, clearly showing that it is false that comrade

Stalin conciliated with revisionist lines of national

reconciliation and other lines of revisionists that emerged

after World War II. The Cominform – under the

leadership of comrade Stalin – started the struggle

against modern revisionism that Chairman Mao would

complete years later.

The task of the communists to unify at world level –

after World War II and the death of comrade Stalin –

is done in a fierce struggle against contemporary

revisionism, in which Chairman Mao is elevated as the

growing Great Leadership of the World Revolution.

In 1957 and 1960, two international conferences of

communist parties and worker’s parties took place in

Moscow. The declarations of these conferences

correspond to the development of the two line struggle

in the ICM at that moment, and they resulted in

concessions aiming not to divide at that moment and to

give time for the true followers of Stalin in the CPSU to

wage two line struggle within it. Considering that the

weight of the CPSU was very big and its internal situation

was very difficult, this expresses a correct handling of

the left led by Chairman Mao at the head of the CPCh

in applying the principle of combating with reason,

advantage and not exceeding.

The 22nd Congress of the CPSU was held in 1961,

in which the positions of modern revisionism were

systematized. Chairman Mao – leading the Communist

Party of China – defined the essence of new revisionism,

which he systematized in the “three peacefuls” and

the “two wholes”. Khrushchev distorted the peaceful

coexistence thesis from Lenin – which differentiates the

relations between states with different social systems

from those of classes within the states – to put forward

a “peaceful coexistence” as a general line for the

International Communist Movement. For Khrushchev

the problem was to avoid war because – according to

him – the atomic weapons did not distinguish exploited

from exploiters, which was why men had to join each

other in order to prevent the disappearance of humanity.

The “peaceful transition” put forward that revolution

did not need revolutionary violence, but one could

replace a social system with another through the

“peaceful way”, through elections, through

parliamentarism. As for the “peaceful emulation” they

defended that – in order to destroy the imperialist system

– the socialist system should make an emulation to show

the imperialists that the socialist system was superior

and thus the imperialists would change into socialism.

The revisionist thesis of the “state of the whole

people” was meant to deny the class character of the

state and was concretely against the dictatorship of the

proletariat. The “party of the whole people” is

another machination that denied the class character of

the Party as the Party of the proletariat. Thus,

Khrushchev advocated that the 22nd Congress of the

CPSU was the new program of the communists and

substituted the Manifesto of the Communist Party with

the bourgeois lemma of “liberty”, “equality” and

“fraternity”. The Manifesto is the program of the

communists and its denial has sparked and sharpened

the struggle between Marxism and revisionism.

On June 14th, 1963, the “Proposition on the

General Line of the International Communist

Movement”, also known as the “Chinese Letter”,

followed by “The 9 Comments” are published, in

which Chairman Mao and the CPCh brilliantly

unmasked and smashed modern revisionism in all its

facets.

Only with the deep demarcation produced by the

Great Polemic – led by Chairman Mao and the

Communist Party of China – is that the International

Communist Movement was able to elevate the process

of reunification around the Great Leadership of

Chairman Mao and his contributions to the World

Proletarian Revolution.

Chairman Mao developed this struggle

simultaneously to the struggle against the right

opportunist line within the CPCh – which had usurped

important apparatuses of the Party and the state.

Chairman Mao and the CPCh considered that – in

such circumstances – it was not adequate to conform a

new Communist International because the ideological

and political basis – which should be Marxism

Leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought then – was not defined.

Particularly the Worker’s Party of Albania – led by

Enver Hoxha – did not accept mao tsetung thought and

wanted an international solely based on Marxism

Leninism, without considering the new development that

it had, because essentially Hoxha was opposed to mao

tsetung thought.

With the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in

China, the influence of Chairman Mao increasingly

develops throughout the world. The CPCh centers in

very urgent problems such as recovering power in the

People’s Republic of China from the revisionist

usurpation of Liu Siao-chi and Teng Siao-ping, and on

how to continue revolution under the dictatorship of

the proletariat. This is how Chairman Mao – within the

national and international class struggle against

revisionism – is converted into the great master of the

proletariat and into Great Leader of the World

Revolution and his thought turns into the third stage of

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Marxism – even though the struggle for its definition

and acknowledgment would only take place later. This

goal was pursued for four decades and the UMIC is a

step of great importance.

At the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the

1970s and under the influence of the GPCR,

revolutionary processes in struggle against modern

revisionism emerged establishing Communist Parties

and establishing People’s Armies which uphold

Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought; in India with

the CPI (ML) and the MCC; in the Philippines with the

CPP, and in Turkey with the TKP/ML, in addition to

the struggle in other countries against revisionism, in

defense of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought,

of the GPCR and the People’s War.

Chairman Mao dies in September 1976 and the

Chinese revisionists made a counterrevolutionary coup

attacking Chairman Mao and his thought. Thus, the unity

of the marxists entered in grave and complex problems.

With the death of Chairman Mao and the revisionist

usurpation in China by Teng and his accomplices, we

communists became dispersed in the world, without a

center nor a base for the World Revolution;

counterrevolution has shown its claws to deny

Chairman Mao and the validity of Marxism-Leninism

Mao Tse-tung thought and unleashed the triple

revisionist attack of Teng Siao-ping (Chinese

revisionism), Hoxha (Albanian revisionism) and

Brezhnev (Russian revisionism).

The counterrevolutionary coup in China 1976 opened

a new period of deep dispersion in the ICM, on which

a general counterrevolutionary offensive was unleashed

by Yankee imperialism that centrally and mainly

centered its attack to snatch the soul of revolution – its

ideology, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

On the Fall of 1980, thirteen communist parties and

organizations signed a declaration “To the marxist

leninists, the workers and the oppressed of all

countries” which called the communists to unite around

Marxism-Leninism and uphold Chairman Mao, but not

considering it a new stage, thus not having universal

validity – a work that was mainly conducted by the

Revolutionary Communist Party of the USA.

Its 2nd Conference was held in 1984, it decided on

founding the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement

(RIM). In its founding declaration, it was affirmed that

it was guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung

thought.

The RIM meant a step forward in the path of

reunification, this is why it is necessary to make a

correct and just evaluation of this experience. For that,

it is necessary to analyze the process of two line struggle

within the RIM and the role that each party had played.

Like every revolutionary body, within the development

of the two line struggle the left, center, and right were

defined in its core.

In the decade of 1980, the Communist Party of Peru

(PCP), under the Great Leadership of Chairman

Gonzalo, upheld, defended and applied Maoism as the

third, new and higher stage of Marxism in the

International Communist Movement. The principal

contribution of Chairman Gonzalo to the International

Communist Movement was having defined Maoism in

a complete and scientific way by upholding, defending

and applying it with the initiation and development of

the People’s War in Peru which was initiated in May

17th, 1980. This event was of fundamental importance

for the World Proletarian Revolution and the

International Communist Movement because it has

proven the validity of Maoism and the People’s War.

With his heroic sacrifice on September 11th, 2021 –

murdered after resisting for 29 years in absolute isolation

regime in the dungeons of imperialism and the reaction

– his name was permanently carved at the gallery of

the great titans of the international proletariat.

Through the action of the PCP within the RIM, it

went as far as acknowledging Maoism as a new stage

of Marxism in 1993.

The RIM lasted a little more than 20 years – from its

foundation in 1984 until it went into liquidation in 2006

by the treason of Prachanda to the People’s War in

Nepal and the pretension of the RCP-USA of making

this body be subjected to the revisionist “new synthesis”

of Avakian. Its formal dissolution was made in 2012.

Its existence reflected the two line struggle in the

International Communist Movement. The RIM served

the world proletarian revolution and the task of struggling

for the reunification of the communists while the left –

in hard struggle – was able to maintain the struggle for

imposing Maoism as the sole command and guide of

the world revolution at its core.

However, with the arrest of Chairman Gonzalo in

1992 and soon after the blows suffered by the People’s

War in Peru – which have hindered the action of the

left within the ICM – the RCP-USA converging with

the right opportunist line, revisionist and capitulationist

(ROL), took advantage of the complex situation to

attack the left and to advance on its cheap hegemonism

– firstly spreading the revisionist, opposed to Marxism

Leninism-Maoism, so-called “new synthesis” in a

hidden form, then doing it openly afterwards.

The RIM was entering into greater dis-cohesion. This

was aggravated when the RCP-USA – with Avakian

at its head – started to deny the RIM Declaration:

For a Century of People’s Wars from RIM (2000)

after having sanctioned and taken position for it and fell

into the path of revisionism, increasing its attacks against

Maoism. In the following years, the contend for the

hegemony between Avakian and Prachanda – both

revisionist currents and chieftains – sharpened not only

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in the RIM but at the level of the whole ICM. Also the

ideological, political and organizational dis-cohesion of

the RIM sharpened. Finally, these revisionists have

exploded the RIM from their Committee. The RIM

ceased to play a positive role and degenerated, getting

into bankruptcy and liquidation.

Today – when a New Great Wave of the World

Proletarian Revolution is produced in the world with

the ongoing People’s Wars in India, Peru, Turkey, and

the Philippines, and its preparation in many other

countries, when the heroic struggles of national

resistance and people’s resistance emerge around the

whole world, when the general crisis of imperialism and

its drowning are hugely intensified – it is necessary and

urgent to raise the two line struggle at the core of the

ICM to a higher level in order to establish and develop

its necessary, just, and correct General Political Line

and to strengthen this New Great Wave through the

spark of revolution with People’s War in many countries

and further advances wherever they are already being

waged, as well as in the antiimperialist revolutionary

movement under the hegemony of the proletariat.

This is why it is necessary to deepen the ideological

and political struggle on the basis of the just and correct

assessment of the historical experience of the proletarian

revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat as a

whole. An assessment that particularly synthesizes the

experience of the application of the third stage of

Marxism – Maoism.

The struggle to impose Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

as the command and guide of the world revolution is

hard, long, and complex. Marxism has never advanced

without a hard struggle, but in the end Maoism is guiding

the New Great Wave of the World Proletarian

Revolution that has already started and needs to be

impulsed in order to sweep away imperialism and the

reaction from the face of earth through People’s war, in

order to carry out democratic revolutions, socialist

revolutions and proletarian cultural revolutions –

according to each case – and transit toward the shining

and golden communism.

It is particularly necessary to keep deepening the

struggle against new revisionism in its different

expressions because – although they were unmasked

and smashed in the ICM – they still have influence

through the right and “left” opportunist positions, centrist

positions, liquidationist positions, etc. and they harm

the unity of the ICM as a whole because they are the

main danger to the ICM.

The celebration of this First International Conference

and the foundation of the New International Organization

are of historic and transcendental importance, they are

an achievement of the international proletariat and a

striking blow against the general counterrevolutionary

offensive of imperialism and the world reaction, as well

as against revisionism and all opportunism. A great step

to reunite us and to overcome the dispersion in the ICM

was given, and a new stage of the organized struggle

for the reconstitution of the Communist International

under the command and guide of Maoism was opened,

a new stage which is signed by the development of new

People’s Wars which will join the ones that are ongoing.

5. PRINCIPLES OF THE NEW

ORGANIZATION OF THE PROLETARIAT

* Contradiction – the sole fundamental law of the

incessant transformation of eternal matter;

* The masses make history and rebellion is justified;

* Class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat and

proletarian internationalism;

* To apply the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism

Maoism to the concrete conditions and to integrate it

to the practice of revolution on each country;

* The necessity of the marxist-leninist-maoist

Communist Party that firmly applies independence, self

decision and self-reliance;

* Inseparably and implacably combat imperialism,

revisionism and the reaction;

* Two line struggle as an driving force for party

development;

* Practice Marxism, not revisionism; work towards

unity, not for splitting; act in honest and honored way

and don’t thread intrigues nor machinations

* Constant ideological transformation and always

putting politics in command;

* Serve the people and the world proletarian

revolution;

* Absolute selflessness and just and correct style of

work;

* Going against the current.

Very specially we reaffirm ourselves in the undeniable

Marxist truth that was put forward by Chairman Mao:

“According to the Marxist theory of the state, the army

is the chief component of state power. Whoever wants

to seize and retain state power must have a strong army.

Some people ridicule us as advocates of the

“omnipotence of war”. Yes, we are advocates of the

omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad,

it is Marxist. The guns of the Russian Communist Party

created socialism. We shall create a democratic

republic. Experience in the class struggle in the era of

imperialism teaches us that it is only by the power of

the gun that the working class and the labouring masses

can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords; in this

sense we may say that only with guns can the whole

world be transformed”.

6. SOLEMN RESOLUTION

As communists, we are sons and daughters of a single

class in the world – the international proletariat – which

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has its destiny undeniably welded – communism – which

either all or none enter. For that, we firmly subject

ourselves to proletarian internationalism as a

fundamental principle for the ICM, we unfold our

powerful and immortal lemma that was established in

the Manifesto of the Communist Party from Marx and

Engels: “Proletarians of all countries, unite!”

The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and

Organizations participating on the UNIFIED MAOIST

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE (UMIC) –

following the path of the Third International founded

by the Great Lenin and the best traditions of the

International Communist Movement (ICM) – solemnly

declare to the international Proletariat and the peoples

of the world that the historical and transcendental

decision of giving birth to the new international Maoist

organization was taken, founded under the three great

and glorious red banners: Maoism, the struggle against

revisionism and the world proletarian revolution.

With deep communist conviction, we parties and

organizations reunited here reaffirm ourselves – once

more and with solemn commitment – in fulfilling the

agreements of the Unified Maoist International

Conference, defending and applying the almighty

ideology of the international proletariat – Marxism

Leninism-Maoism.

It is a firm commitment in the arduous and restless

struggle for imposing Maoism as the sole command and

guide of the World Revolution, the only deeply red and

unfading flag which is the guarantee of triumph for the

proletariat, the oppressed nations and the peoples of

the world in its inexorable march towards the golden

and forever shining communism.

The 1st Unified Maoist International Conference of

marxist-leninist-maoist communist parties and

organizations have an historical transcendence and a

deep strategic content. It is a glorious task which

corresponds to the New Great Wave of the World

Proletarian Revolution.

With ardent enthusiasm, and overflowing with class

optimism and deeply moved, we raise the red slogan:

The 1st Unified Maoist International

Conference is a base and inexorably marches

toward the reunification of the communists in the

ICM – a war machine – a machine of combat that

raises the unfading flags of Marxism-Leninism

Maoism and the invincible People’s War!!

SIGNATURES:

Committees for the Foundation of the (Maoist)

Communist Party of Austria

(KG(m)KPÖ)[Austria]

Communist Party of Brazil (P.C.B.) [Brazil]

Red Fraction of the Communist Party of Chile

(FRPCCh) [Chile]

Communist Party of Colombia (Red Fraction)

(PCC(FR)) [Colombia]

Poder Proletário – M-L-M Party Organization

Colombia (PP-OP-MLM) [Colombia]

Communist Party of Equator – Red Sun (PCE

SR) [Ecuador]

Maoist Committee in Finland (MKS) [Finland]

Maoist Communist Party (PCM) [French Sta

te]

Committee Red Flag (KRF) [Federal Republic

of Germany]

Committee for the Reconstitution of the

Communist Party of Mexico (CR-PCM) [Mexico]

Serve the People – Communist League of

Norway [Norway]

Communist Party of Peru (PCP) [Peru]

Maoist Communist Party (PCM) [Spanish Sta

te]

Communist League of Sweden [Sweden]

Communist Party of Turkey/ Marxist-Leninist

(TKP/ML) [Turkey]

1“Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight again…

till their victory; that is the logic of the people,

and they too will never go against this logic.”

Chairman Mao “Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for

Struggle” (August 14, 1949)

2That implies the Army: mobilizes, politicizes,

organizes and arms the masses.

3We highlight that this includes all prefaces and no

tes written by Marx and Engels, especially the preface

of 1872.

4Defense of the imperialist “motherland.”